FEEDING THE MACHINE : THE HIDDEN HUMAN LABOR POWERING AI — JAMES MULDOON, MARK GRAHAM, CALLUM CANT — 2024 / A must-read, myth-busting exposé of how artificial intelligence exploits human labour
Here are a few extracts from the book to encourage you to buy it.
Big Tech has sold us the illusion that artificial intelligence is a frictionless technology that will bring wealth and prosperity to humanity. But hidden beneath this smooth surface lies the grim reality of a precarious global workforce of millions that labour under often appalling conditions to make AI possible. Feeding the Machine presents an urgent, riveting investigation of the intricate network of organisations that maintain this exploitative system, revealing the untold truth of AI.
Based on hundreds of interviews and thousands of hours of fieldwork over more than a decade, this book shows us the lives of the workers often deliberately concealed from view and the systems of power that determine their future. It shows how AI is an extraction machine that churns through ever-larger datasets and feeds off humanity’s labour and collective intelligence to power its algorithms. Feeding the Machine is a call to arms against this exploitative system and details what we need to do, individually and collectively, to fight for a more just digital future.
FEEDING THE MACHINE : THE HIDDEN HUMAN LABOR POWERING AI — JAMES MULDOON, MARK GRAHAM, CALLUM CANT — 2024
This book is a call to arms that details what we need to do to fight for a more just digital future.
For readers of Naomi Klein and Nicole Perlroth, a myth-dissolving exposé of how artificial intelligence exploits human labor, and a resounding argument for a more equitable digital future.
Silicon Valley has sold us the illusion that artificial intelligence is a frictionless technology that will bring wealth and prosperity to humanity. But hidden beneath this smooth surface lies the grim reality of a precarious global workforce of millions laboring under often appalling conditions to make A.I. possible. This book presents an urgent, riveting investigation of the intricate network that maintains this exploitative system, revealing the untold truth of A.I.
Based on hundreds of interviews and thousands of hours of fieldwork over more than a decade, Feeding the Machine describes the lives of the workers deliberately concealed from view, and the power structures that determine their future. It gives voice to the people whom A.I. exploits, from accomplished writers and artists to the armies of data annotators, content moderators and warehouse workers, revealing how their dangerous, low-paid labor is connected to longer histories of gendered, racialized, and colonial exploitation.
A.I. is an extraction machine that feeds off humanity’s collective effort and intelligence, churning through ever-larger datasets to power its algorithms. This book is a call to arms that details what we need to do to fight for a more just digital future.
Table of contents of the book
AI main players – AI definition and data workers’role
In 2024, Big AI benefits from what we call ‘infrastructural power’: ownership of AI infrastructure – the computational power and storage needed to train large foundation models. This occurs through their control of large data centres, undersea fibre-optic cables, and AI chips used to train their models.
Just three companies own over half of the world’s largest data centres, while only a select few can provide access to the hardware needed to train cutting-edge AI models. This infrastructural power also exercises a profound pull on AI talent, because the best people in the industry want to work at the leading organisations where they can do state-of-the-art work on the development of AI. Rather than AI opening the doors to more innovation and diversity, we may be witnessing the further consolidation of wealth and power as new players join more established firms.8 One consequence of this infrastructural power is a change in the nature of funding models and the degree of independence for new startups. AI companies do not just require a few million to get started – they need hundreds of millions in capital and access to a cloud platform to train foundation models. This means AI startups require strategic partnerships with existing cloud providers that often buy a minority stake in the company. Large tech companies are also in a perfect position to provide billions in funding to new startups because they tend to have large cash reserves.
The first generation of platforms received funding from venture capital (VC), but the original founders maintained significant unilateral control over their businesses. As a result, many of these platforms turned into gigantic empires ruled by a single billionaire founder.
The first step towards taking action is understanding how AI is produced and the different systems that are at play. This allows us to see how AI helps concentrate power, wealth and the very ability to shape the future into the hands of a select few.
Artificial intelligence is often conceived of as a mirror of human intelligence, an attempt to ‘solve intelligence’ by reproducing the processes that occur within a human mind. But from the perspective we develop in this book, AI is an ‘extraction machine’. When we engage with AI products as consumers we only see one surface of the machine and the outputs it produces. But beneath this polished exterior lies a complex network of components and relationships necessary to power it. The extraction machine draws in critical inputs of capital, power, natural resources, human labour, data and collective intelligence and transforms these into statistical predictions, which AI companies, in turn, transform into profits.
To understand AI as a machine is to unmask its pretensions to objectivity and neutrality. Every machine has a history. They are built by people within a particular time to perform a specific task. AI is embedded within existing political and economic systems and when it classifies, discriminates and makes predictions it does so in the service of those who created it. AI is an expression of the interests of the wealthy and powerful who use it to further entrench their position. It reinforces their power while at the same time embedding existing social biases in new digital forms of discrimination.
Corporate narratives of AI emphasise its intelligence and convenience, often obscuring the material reality of its infrastructure and the human labour needed for it to function.4 In the public imagination, AI is associated with images of glowing brains, neural networks and weightless clouds, as if AI itself simply floated through the ether. We tend not to picture the reality of the constant heat and white noise of whirring servers loaded into heavy racks at energy-intensive data centres, nor the tentacle-like undersea cables that carry AI training data across the globe.
And just like a physical body, AI’s material structure needs constant nourishment, through electricity to power its operations and water to cool its servers. Every time we ask ChatGPT a question or use an Internet search engine, the machine lives and breathes through this digital infrastructure.
We also tend to forget that behind the seemingly automated processes of AI often lies the disguised labour of human workers forced to compensate for the limitations of technology.5 AI relies on human workers to perform a wide variety of tasks, from annotating datasets to verifying its outputs and tuning its parameters. When AI breaks down or does not function properly, human workers are there to step in and assist algorithms in completing the work. When Siri does not recognise a voice command or when facial recognition software fails to verify a person’s identity, these cases are often sent to human workers to establish what went wrong and how the algorithm could be improved.
Sophisticated software functions only through thousands of hours of low-paid and menial labour – workers are forced to work like robots in the hopes that AI will become more like a human.
AI captures the knowledge of human beings and encodes it into automatic processes through machine learning models. It is fundamentally derivative of its training data, through which it learns to undertake a diverse range of activities: from driving a car to recognising objects and producing natural language, and it relies on a project of collecting the history of human knowledge in enormous datasets consisting of billions of data points.
The systems trained by these datasets can often perform at superhuman levels, and while many of these datasets are in the public domain, others contain copyrighted works taken without their authors’ consent. AI companies have undertaken a privatisation of collective intelligence by enclosing these datasets and using proprietary software to create new outputs based on a manipulation of that data.
Artificial intelligence can be broadly understood as a machine-based system that processes data in order to generate outputs such as decisions, predictions and recommendations. It can refer to anything from autofill in emails to targeted weapons systems in drone warfare. The reality is it’s more of a marketing concept, or an umbrella term under which very different technologies can be grouped. This includes computer vision, pattern recognition and natural language processing (that is, the processing of everyday speech and text). It’s an amorphous idea that can evoke the wonders of post-human intelligence but also herald the dangers of an AI-triggered extinction event.
Most recently, this has centred upon the systems that power chatbots: large language models or LLMs. LLMs are trained on enormous datasets containing vast amounts of text data usually scraped from the Internet. Large language models such as ChatGPT are called large because of the size of their datasets (hundreds of billions of gigabytes of data), but also because of the number of parameters that have been used to train them (about 1.76 trillion parameters for ChatGPT‑4). Parameters are the variables that drive the performance of the system and can be fine-tuned during training to determine how a model will detect patterns in its data, which influences how well it will perform on new data.
Today, we are in the middle of a hype cycle in which companies are racing to integrate AI tools into a variety of products, transforming everything from logistics to manufacturing and healthcare. AI technologies can be used to diagnose illnesses, design more efficient supply chains and automate the movement of goods. The global AI market was worth over $200 billion in 2023, and is expected to grow 20 per cent each year to nearly $2 trillion by 2030.3 The development of AI tends to be secretive and opaque; there are no exact numbers of how many workers participate globally in the industry, but the figure is in the millions and, if trends continue at their current rate, their number will expand dramatically. By using AI products we are directly inserting ourselves into the lives of these workers dispersed across the globe.
But datawork like this is performed by millions of workers in different circumstances and locations around the world.
This data work is essential for the functioning of the everyday products and services we use – from social media apps to chatbots and new automated technologies. It’s a precondition for their very existence
Without data annotators creating datasets that can teach AI the difference between a traffic light and a street sign, autonomous vehicles would not be allowed on our roads. And without workers training machine learning algorithms, we would not have AI tools such as ChatGPT.
We spoke with dozens of workers just like Mercy at three data annotation and content moderation centres run by one company across Kenya and Uganda. Content moderators are the workers who trawl, manually, through social media posts to remove toxic content and flag violations of the company’s policies. Data annotators label data with relevant tags to make it legible for use by computer algorithms. We could consider both of these types of work ‘data work’, which encompasses different types of behind-the-scenes labour that makes our digital lives possible.
They’re expected to action between 500 and 1,000 tickets a day (to action one ‘ticket’ every fifty-five seconds during their ten-hour shift). Many reported never feeling the same again: the job had made an indelible mark on their lives. The consequences can be devastating. ‘Most of us are damaged psychologically, some have attempted suicide … some of our spouses have left us and we can’t get them back,’ commented one moderator who had been let go by the company.
‘Physically you are tired, mentally you are tired, you are like a walking zombie,’ noted one data worker who had migrated from Nigeria for the job.
Salary of AI workers
In the case of the BPOs we examined, the annual salary of one of their US senior leadership team could employ more than a thousand African workers for a month. But there are also hard limits to how high the wages of data annotators can be lifted. The actors who have the most power in this relationship are not the BPO managers, but the tech companies who hand out the contracts. It is here where the terms and conditions are set. Some of the important benefits workers receive, such as a minimum wage and guaranteed break times, result from terms put into the contract by the client.
Job security at this particular company is minimal – the majority of workers we interviewed were on rolling one- or three-month contracts, which could disappear as soon as the client’s work was complete. They worked in rows of up to a hundred on production floors in a darkened building, part of a giant business park on the outskirts of Nairobi. Their employer was a client of Meta’s, a prominent business process outsourcing (BPO) company with headquarters in San Francisco and delivery centres in East Africa where insecure and low-income work could be distributed to local employees of the firm.
But large companies like Meta tend to have multiple outsourced providers of moderation services who compete for the most profitable contracts from the company.
Many tech companies therefore do what they can to hide the reality of how their products are actually made. They present a vision of shining, sleek, autonomous machines – computers searching through large quantities of data, teaching themselves as they go – rather than the reality of the poorly paid and gruelling human labour that both trains them and is managed by them.
Trends – Impact on work
These workers are at the forefront of these technological changes, but AI-enabled surveillance and productivity tools are coming for many workers, even those who might consider themselves immune from such encroachment into their working lives.
Primarily, this is the extraction of effort from workers, who are forced to work harder and faster by AI management systems that centralise knowledge of the labour process and reduce the level of skill required to do a job by routinising and simplifying it. This intensification of work extracts more value from the labour of workers for the benefit of employers. For many of us, this will be the mechanism through which we are most exposed to the damage caused by the extraction machine.
The real power of AI when it comes to work is its ability to intensify and deskill work processes through increased surveillance, routinisation and more fine-grained control over the workforce. AI allows bosses to track workers’ movement, monitor their performance and productivity, centralise more data about the labour process in managerial hands, and even claims to detect their physical and emotional states. It is also increasingly used by HR departments for ‘hire and fire’ decisions – screening applicants before CVs are seen by a human and triggering disciplinary and termination procedures when targets are not met. Gig work has been the canary in the coal mine for this type of algorithmic management, but the technology is quickly spreading to a range of other forms of work.15 If you think your job is immune, you are probably mistaken. Once tested on workers with weaker bargaining power, these technologies are then rolled out to broader sectors. There they are used to cut costs either by replacing functions previously performed by humans, or more often, by increasing the pace at which humans must work and reducing the skills required to perform a specific job. AI management technology is overwhelmingly designed for the benefit of managers and owners, not workers. As a result, work intensity can increase to unsafe levels, and deskilling can reduce workers’ autonomy and job quality. The result is a widespread tendency across all sectors of the economy towards tiring, dehumanising and dangerous work.
The Amazon worker who stands in one place repeating the same small tasks thousands of times a day to make the rate that their AI manager dictates is experiencing this future of work. They are one of the millions of workers who are exposed to a high risk of injury, subject to tracking, and pushed to work harder and harder every day. From the data produced by their scanning guns to the patterns observed by cameras overhead, they experience AI management as a constant pressure to perform. Beyond the warehouse, the pandemic provided an opportunity for employers to start using these monitoring techniques on employees’ productivity as they worked from home. Microsoft was criticised for offering ‘productivity scores’ in one of their software suites that could have been used to allow managers to track how actively employees contributed to activities such as emailing and collaborative documents.16 The use of cameras to monitor workers in the office, keystroke and computer activity monitoring and software that tracks and records performance is becoming more widespread. Nobody is exempt from this future of work.
Trends – On AI is changing Big an handful of digital gatekeepers that amassed billions of users on their plateform since 2000 -> 2010 which seek to limit knowledge about how their AI models are trained, and develop them in ways that increase their competitive advantage in the sector
Studies of the broader social context in which AI operates are increasingly important, since we are entering a new era of tech development. The 2010s were characterised by the growth and then dominance of a handful of digital gatekeepers that amassed billions of users on their platforms, became trillion-dollar companies and leveraged their position to exercise unparalleled political and economic power. The rise of AI has led to major shifts in the internal dynamics of the tech sector, which has profound consequences for the global economy. The platform era that lasted from the mid-2000s to 2022 has now given way to an era of AI. Following the launch of ChatGPT and new partnerships between Big Tech and AI companies, both investment strategies and business models are driven by a new coalescence of forces around AI. The era of AI has given rise to a new configuration of major players that overlaps with but is distinct from the platform era. In place of the leading Big Tech firms of the 2010s, a group of companies we call ‘Big AI’ has emerged, and are central organisations of this new era. This group of companies includes legacy Big Tech firms such as Amazon, Alphabet, Microsoft and Meta and also includes AI startups and chip designers like OpenAI, Anthropic, Cohere and Nvidia. If attention was turned to Chinese companies, which are the next most significant set of actors in the era of AI, we could also include Alibaba, Huawei, Tencent and Baidu. Although the precise membership of this group is likely to shift, Big AI consists of companies that understand AI as a commercial product that should be kept as a closely guarded secret, and used to make profits for private companies. Many of these companies seek to limit knowledge about how their AI models are trained, and develop them in ways that increase their competitive advantage in the sector.
Following the public release of ChatGPT, a series of new strategic collaborations was announced between legacy tech firms and AI startups. Microsoft invested $10 billion in OpenAI; Google invested $2 billion in Anthropic; Amazon invested $4 billion in Anthropic; Meta has partnered with both Microsoft and AI startup Hugging Face; Microsoft developed a new AI unit from Inflection staff members; while Nvidia is now a two trillion-dollar company that supplies 95 per cent of the graphics processing unit (GPU) market for machine learning.
The dominance of social media and advertising platforms during the platform era was partially based on ‘network effects’: the more users a platform had, the more efficient and valuable its service became and the more profitable for its owners. Large quantities of user data provided platform owners with greater insight into this digital world and the ability to better extract value through fees or advertising revenue. In the era of AI, ownership over software still matters, but the underlying hardware has grown in importance. Early platform companies were lean: Airbnb did not own any houses and Uber did not own any cars. They were selling X‑as-a-service and relied on networks of users to make it all happen. Big AI benefits from what we call ‘infrastructural power’: ownership of AI infrastructure – the computational power and storage needed to train large foundation models. This occurs through their control of large data centres, undersea fibre-optic cables, and AI chips used to train their models.
Just three companies own over half of the world’s largest data centres, while only a select few can provide access to the hardware needed to train cutting-edge AI models. This infrastructural power also exercises a profound pull on AI talent, because the best people in the industry want to work at the leading organisations where they can do state-of-the-art work on the development of AI. Rather than AI opening the doors to more innovation and diversity, we may be witnessing the further consolidation of wealth and power as new players join more established firms.8 One consequence of this infrastructural power is a change in the nature of funding models and the degree of independence for new startups. AI companies do not just require a few million to get started – they need hundreds of millions in capital and access to a cloud platform to train foundation models. This means AI startups require strategic partnerships with existing cloud providers that often buy a minority stake in the company. Large tech companies are also in a perfect position to provide billions in funding to new startups because they tend to have large cash reserves.
The first generation of platforms received funding from venture capital (VC), but the original founders maintained significant unilateral control over their businesses. As a result, many of these platforms turned into gigantic empires ruled by a single billionaire founder.
This is unlikely to occur in the era of AI, because any new empires will have to cooperate or merge with existing mega-corporations. The struggle to successfully commercialise AI products will likely create a multi-polar tech sphere in which legacy tech companies seek to partner with the most successful of the younger startups to form new coalitions to outcompete their rivals.
Trends – AI and the global South ?
If anything, current trends can best be described as the growth of tech companies’ ambitions for global dominance and the expansion of their empires deeper into the social fabric of our lives and the halls of political power. AI accelerates these trends and enriches those who have already benefited from the growing concentration of power in the hands of American tech billionaires. For those at the bottom of the pile, the pickings will be slim indeed. If countries in the Global South had little say in how digital surveillance platforms were built or deployed in their neighbourhoods, they will have even less input into the development of AI – a technology that is shrouded in mystery and requires enormous resources and computational power.
In Feeding the Machine, we draw a line from the technological development of current AI systems back to earlier forms of labour discipline used in industrial production. We argue that the practices through which AI is produced are not new. In fact, they closely resemble previous industrial formations of control and exploitation of labour. Our book connects the precarious conditions of AI workers today to longer histories of gendered and racialised exploitation – on the plantation, in the factory, and in the valleys of California.
To properly understand AI, we have to view its production through the legacy of colonialism.
AI is produced through an international division of digital labour in which tasks are distributed across a global workforce, with the most stable, well-paid and desirable jobs located in key cities in the US, and the most precarious, low-paid and dangerous work exported to workers in peripheral locations in the Global South. Critical minerals required for AI and other technologies are mined and processed in locations across the Global South and transported to special assembly zones to be turned into technology products such as the advanced AI chips required for large language models.
Outputs from generative AI also reinforce old colonial hierarchies, since much of the AI datasets and common benchmarks on which these models are trained privilege Western forms of knowledge and can reproduce damaging stereotypes and display biases against minority groups misrepresented or distorted in the data.
AI & wars – the AI Gaza war example: “the project Nimbus” Contract with Google and Amazon participating to the war
Following the 7 October 2023 attack by Hamas on Israel, the Israeli army loosened constraints on civilian casualties and began an AI-assisted bombing campaign.
Further +972 investigations revealed that during these early days of Israel’s genocidal assault the IDF used ‘kill lists’ generated by an AI targeting system known as Lavender to attack up to 37,000 targets with minimal human verification. The system uses mass surveillance data and machine learning to rank the likelihood that any one individual in Gaza is active in the military wing of organisations like Hamas from 1–100. Another system called Where’s Daddy? was used to confirm the targeted individuals had entered their family homes before they were attacked, usually at night, by ‘dumb’ bombs that were guaranteed to cause ‘collateral damage’. According to sources within the Israeli military, the result was thousands of Palestinian women and children dying on the say-so of an AI system.
In these cases, artificial intelligence was used to massively expand the capacities of a state military apparatus to conduct a war in which enormous civilian casualties resulted from the pursuit of putatively military ends. AI hasn’t saved civilian lives; it has increased the bloodshed. Nor is AI limited to targeting programs; it is used across the Israeli military, including in another AI program called Fire Factory, which assists with the organisation of wartime logistics. As Antony Loewenstein has shown, once tested in combat on Palestinians, IDF military technology is then exported to conflict zones across the world by Israeli security companies.
This example of the military application of AI relies on global production networks involving a hidden army of workers across the world. In this book, we have shown that these vast networks distribute decision-making power unevenly and are directed by powerful companies for their own benefit. For the most part, workers do not know what happens elsewhere in the network, with the whole system remaining opaque to all but a few coordinating actors. The Israeli military accesses its AI and machine learning capabilities via Google and Amazon, which provide cloud computing services for its operations in a controversial contract called ‘Project Nimbus’.11 After winning the Project Nimbus contract both Amazon and Google began spending hundreds of millions of dollars on new state-of-the-art data centres in Israel, some of them underground and secured against missile strikes and hostile actors. It’s a long way from data-centre worker Einar and his home in Blönduós, Iceland, but these centres will employ other technicians like him to keep the system functioning.
Hundreds of Google employees, part of the Jewish Diaspora in Tech group, protested the contract, signing a statement stating, ‘Many of Israel’s actions violate the UN human rights principles, which Google is committed to upholding. We request the review of all Alphabet business contracts and corporate donations and the termination of contracts with institutions that support Israeli violations of Palestinian rights, such as the Israel Defense Forces’.
When it comes to computer vision systems such as military targeting technology, facial recognition software and autonomous drones, images and videos need to be curated and annotated by an army of data annotators, many of whom are employed via outsourcing centres such as the ones in Uganda or in Kenya.
Following an exchange of missiles and air strikes with Hamas during its eleven-day war in Gaza in 2021, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) declared it had conducted its ‘first AI war’.1 Machine learning tools were at the heart of a new centre established in 2019 called the Targets Administrative Division that used available data and artificial intelligence to accelerate target generation. Former IDF Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi said, ‘in the past we would produce fifty targets in Gaza per year. Now, this machine produces one hundred targets [in] a single day, with 50 per cent of them being attacked.’2
The IDF’s AI-based targeting system can make it appear like targets are now selected with machine-like precision to minimise the indiscriminate use of force. In reality, the precise opposite is true.
We too refuse to be the raw material that is fed into the extraction machine. We too are willing to put our bodies upon the gears of a system that chews up human labour and spits out profit. We too wish to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless we are free, the extraction machine will be prevented from working at all.